WASHINGTON — With the Super Tuesday primaries coming up March 2, all eyes are on the presidential race. But in the struggle for the recognition of the rights of the unborn, other races this year could also prove pivotal.

Political observers think the Republican-controlled House of Representatives will maintain or even intensify its pro-life makeup.

If the presidency stays in pro-life hands, anticipated gains in the U.S. Senate could strengthen the pro-life caucus in Washington considerably. Political experts consider a net increase of four or five pro-life votes in the 100-member Senate attainable, and such an increase — assuming President Bush wins re-election and the House remains majority pro-life — should lead to a series of pro-life legislative victories while increasing the chances of anti-Roe v. Wade nominees making it onto the U.S. Supreme Court.

Even a net increase of two could yield significant fruit. This opportunity has arisen primarily because five incumbent Democratic senators from the South are retiring this year.

The same pro-life candidates who are within striking distance of beefing up the pro-life Senate caucus generally favor other positions that are hot-button issues with Catholics such as opposition to human cloning and same-sex “marriage” and support of religious freedom.

But a single race in Pennsylvania could have a big impact on the key judicial-nomination process.

Senate rules will force pro-life Sen. Orrin Hatch, R-Utah, to step down as chairman of the Judiciary Committee next year, leaving pro-abortion Sen. Arlen Specter, R-Pa., in line to take control of the already-troubled Senate judicial nominee confirmation process. His victory or defeat for re-election to the Senate could be crucial for right-to-life causes.

Specter opposed the nomination of Robert Bork to the U.S. Supreme Court. His stance infuriated constitutionalist, anti-Roe conservatives during the Reagan years. More recently, Specter has criticized two of Bush's current pro-life Catholic nominees as being too conservative.

Pro-lifers have high hopes that U.S. Rep. Pat Toomey, R-Pa., who is seeking to win Specter's seat in the Senate, will score an upset victory by defeating Specter in the April 27 primary and winning the Republican nomination.

“In 1998, Specter had two primary opponents who together raised $15,000 between them,” Toomey said. “They got 34% of the vote anyway.” Toomey, a pro-life Catholic, said he has raised more than $3 million so far.

Toomey also favors allowing government-funded tuition vouchers to be used for religious or parochial schools. Specter told this reporter he is opposed because “that violates the separation of church and state.”

The Senate

Senate rules, which grant much greater power to the minority than do House rules, make it hard for controversial legislation to pass.

“In the Senate, we have a 60-vote margin we have to reach because of procedural issues,” said Lori Waters, director of Eagle Forum PAC, a pro-family group. “That's a much higher bar to reach.”

The Senate is currently divided between 51 Republicans, 48 Democrats and one Independent who generally sides with Democrats. Procedural rules require 60 votes to overcome a filibuster, thereby granting 41 senators the power to block votes on questions of their choosing. Some of Bush's conservative, pro-life judicial nominees, most of whom have the backing of a majority of senators, have been stymied in this fashion.

Key U.S. Senate races include the one in California, where strongly pro-life Republican candidate Howard Kaloogian, a former state assemblyman, has already attracted the endorsement of Eagle Forum PAC against his main primary rival, moderately pro-life former California secretary of state Bill Jones.

“I was in the state Assembly and I have a record, and everybody who ever looked at it says I was completely pro-life,” Kaloogian said. Pro-abortion Sen. Barbara Boxer, D-Calif., is considered vulnerable but not in danger yet.

In Florida, a plethora of pro-life Republicans are running to succeed retiring Democratic Sen. Bob Graham. With the recent strong reelection showing of pro-life Republican Gov. Jeb Bush, a pro-life candidate has an excellent shot at winning this seat.

Just to the north, Democratic Sen. Zell Miller of Georgia just converted to the pro-life cause but is retiring. Republicans Rep. Mac Collins and former pizza executive Herman Cain are pro-life, but Rep. Johnny Isakson, also a Republican, is pro-abortion and has a lot of establishment support.

If Collins and Cain can keep Isakson's primary vote under 50%, the pro-abortion congressman would be forced into a runoff likely to be won by one of the more conservative pro-lifers, who are even “against rape and incest exceptions,” said Colleen Parro, executive director of RNC-Life. Republicans are favored to win the seat in November.

In Illinois, pro-life Republican Sen. Peter Fitzgerald is retiring, leaving open the possibility that a pro-abortion candidate could succeed him. But charismatic pro-life candidate Jack Ryan, a former investment banker turned school-teacher, could win the Republican primary and the election.

Sen. John Breaux, the Louisiana Democrat who has walked a thin line between being pro-life and pro-abortion, is leaving and could be replaced by pro-life Democratic Rep. Chris John or pro-life Republican Rep. David Vitter.

But as with many Democrats, “we don't know where [Chris] John would be on judicial nominations,” said Carol Tobias, political director of National Right to Life.

Moderately pro-life Sen. Harry Reid of Nevada is the second-ranking Democrat in the Senate, making it likely he will eke out another narrow victory for himself in November as he did last time.

In North Carolina, pro-abortion Democratic Sen. John Edwards is running for president and not reelection, and pro-life Rep. Richard Burr, a Republican, will probably take his place.

In strongly Republican Oklahoma, observers think Democratic pro-abortion Rep. Brad Carson could defeat the struggling leading Republican, Oklahoma City Mayor Kirk Humphries, to replace retiring pro-life Sen. Don Nickles, a Republican.

Some other races that bear watching include:

South Carolina: Strong Republican possibilities including pro-life Rep. Jim DeMint should win the seat of retiring pro-abortion Democratic Sen. Fritz Hollings.

South Dakota: Pro-abortion Senate Minority Leader Tom Daschle, a Democrat, faces a tough race against pro-life former Rep. John Thune, a Republican, who almost won a Senate seat two years ago. South Dakota has a strong pro-life constituency.

Washington: Pro-abortion Democratic Sen. Patty Murray could face an upset by pro-life Rep. George Nethercutt, a Republican, who faced similarly long odds before.

Wisconsin: Conservative, pro-life State Senate President Robert Welch has an uphill battle against pro-abortion Democratic Sen. Russ Feingold.

The Presidency

Few would disagree that the national Democratic Party has become stridently pro-abortion — not to mention pro-homosexual rights and often anti-religious freedom — making President Bush the only viable choice for a pro-life vote Nov. 2.

“Since taking office, President Bush has, among other things, reinstated the Mexico City policy, blocked federal funding of research that kills human embryos and signed both the Partial-Birth Abortion Ban Act and the Born-Alive Infants Protection Act,” reported the National Right to Life PAC in announcing its endorsement of Bush for re-election. The Mexico City policy forbids American taxpayer dollars to groups that lobby for pro-abortion laws overseas.

All nine of the original Democratic presidential candidates are pro-abortion.

Remaining candidates Sen. John Kerry of Massachusetts and Sen. John Edwards of North Carolina even oppose a ban on partial-birth abortion.

When he began his presidential campaign, Kerry promised, “As president, I will only appoint Supreme Court justices who will uphold a woman's right to choose.”

Most Washington experts believe the presidential race could be very close, though Bush is still favored to win.

A Democratic president would be required by internal party politics to veto any pro-life legislation passed by Congress, and to nominate pro-Roe justices to the Supreme Court.

Joseph A. D'Agostino writes from Washington, D.C.