Blue State Battler

BRIAN BROWN recently made headlines nationwide when state legislators questioned his Catholic faith in a Hartford, Conn., hearing about marriage law.

Brown has grown the Family Institute of Connecticut to one of the largest statewide pro-family organizations in the Northeast. More than 50,000 Connecticut families support its work. Under Brown’s leadership, the non-profit, non-sectarian FIC lobbies lawmakers in Hartford and is involved in political action and education.

Brown is a member of the state advisory council for the United States Commission on Civil Rights. He and his wife, Susan, have five children. He spoke with Register staff write Joseph Pronechen April 18.

 

Did you grow up Catholic?

I was born and raised in California and went to Christian schools all throughout my younger years as well as a Christian high school in California. As I got older, I became very interested in Church history and philosophy. I spent two years, at Oxford University in England working on a master’s in modern history.

While in England, and actually a little before, I got interested in a lot of questions converts have about the nature of the apostles, apostolic succession, the Eucharist, authority in the Church. Around 2000, I went through a process of conversion. I didn’t go through the normal RCIA setup. I took individual instruction at the Oratory at Oxford.

Where were your received into the Church?

In 2001, I was baptized (I was a Quaker; my church did not baptize), confirmed and received my first holy Communion at Our Lady of Malibu in Malibu, Calif., by Msgr. John Sheridan, a wonderful Irish priest and leader who has written a number of books on the Psalms.

How did you come to Connecticut to head FIC?

I began working for the Intercollegiate Studies Institute trying to get more conservative speakers on campuses around the country. I tried to organize, support, and help mentor those more conservative students on very liberal campuses. Being a religious person in any of the major universities today that aren’t explicitly religious — and even in some that are — is not easy. Then I returned to UCLA for my Ph.D. course work, where I heard about this opening to work at the Family Institute of Connecticut. Basically it was a shell of an organization looking for someone to restart it. No one was heading it up. It was a big challenge. I was interested and everything clicked. I moved here 5 1/2 years ago.

What are some of the challenges you have tackled?

Choosing to do this sort of work in Connecticut wasn’t an easy job. I was in California, a very liberal state, and people who believe in our values warned me about coming to the New England area. There were a lot of challenges. Redefining marriage has really blown up in the time we’ve been here. Unfortunately, Connecticut is right in the center of this debate, similar in position in Massachusetts. Our state is the first to bring civil unions without a court order, and now our Legislature is seriously considering passing same-sex “marriage.”

Tell us about the harsh treatment you received testifying recently before the state Judiciary Committee on same-sex “marriage.”

I’m a public figure, and am used to the way the Legislature works. That means being used to the blatant bias of the committee chairs. What went on at the last hearing, unfortunately, isn’t anything new. Many more people than usual saw it, thanks to [Catholic League President] Bill Donohue, who publicized it. I received e-mails of encouragement, support and outrage not only from Connecticut but from all over the country supporting and encouraging me.

It’s ironic that the hearing has become a focal point for questions about religious liberty, because my arguments were not strictly based in Scripture but were based upon the social reasons why marriage can only be a union between a man and a woman. Orthodox Jews, Protestants, people of no particular faith hold this.

I didn’t bring up my Catholicism because the Family Institute doesn’t represent any particular religion. But they quoted from the Catechism and tried to get me to say something the Church doesn’t believe, that homosexuals as persons are intrinsically evil and objectively disordered. I said that isn’t what the Church teaches. It isn’t singling out homosexuals. I tried to make clear the Church’s teaching is about acts and inclinations. [Committee chairman Michael Lawlor] continued to mischaracterize and misquote the Church’s position on this. It quickly became about my religion.

What are you trying to get citizens to realize about this issue?

People need to realize this whole question of same-sex “marriage” touches directly on our religious liberties. And it’s not only Catholics. It’s going to affect everyone.

Their entire argument is that same-sex “marriage” is a civil right and those who oppose it are against civil rights. We know that there is no civil right to redefine marriage, but we should take our opponents at their word. If they win on this issue they will be more than willing to attack our religious beliefs as “discrimination” and use the force of the law to attempt to get us in line.

Do you have any examples already?

In Massachusetts, the state said Catholic Charities either had to adopt children to same-sex couples or they couldn’t adopt at all. Catholic Charities, which had a long tradition of doing good work, placing children hard to place, essentially was put out of business by these new rulings. In Canada, Knights of Columbus halls were told they have to host civil union ceremonies. In Britain, the government is trying to tell the Church it cannot teach traditional Christian doctrine on homosexuality in our own parochial schools. The effect of same-sex “marriage” or civil unions is not in the future, it’s already to a certain degree here, and it is frightening.

We in America have to realize that this won’t just be isolated to liberal states on the coasts; these are just footholds. What happens here in Connecticut or Massachusetts will affect the entire country. Now is the time for people to stand up and get active.

Where’s part of the problem?

A few years ago there was a bill that would have [forced priests to break] the seal of confession. Some of the people leading the charge were claiming to be Catholics. Some of these people promoting these positions have clearly not been catechized. They directly contradict what the Church teaches.

It’s very clear that the Holy Father stands up and speaks with love and doesn’t back down on these core truths. Teaching from Pope John Paul II and Pope Benedict XVI on same-sex unions are so clear, so concise, so well thought out, I don’t see how you can say there’s not a clear teaching of the Church on this issue.

As a convert, I believe there is this new springtime, but there are things we need to do to facilitate it.

Such as?

People need to contact their legislators and make clear to them this is a religious liberty issue and an attack on the Church. When it comes to standing up to vote, we need to stand up and say, don’t use the faith this way. It’s wrong. We need to spend some time evaluating candidates on an individual basis. When a legislator is voting the right way, call them and encourage them.

There’s so much work that needs to be done, starting on the basic level with catechesis. It’s not catechesis for the young only, but for adults too. What’s important for Catholics standing up is to let other Catholics know what the Church is teaching. The nature of the family is very much part of Church teaching.

It’s amazingly powerful when the Church stands up and says, with unity, this is what we believe. If it doesn’t change politics, it changes the hearts and minds of Catholics, and that’s even more important.

Where is the new growth spurt at the Family Institute of Connecticut coming from?

So many people write or call or e-mail us. One person says, I thought I was all alone, am distraught over what’s going on in our state, and I want to get involved. A second person says that he or she thought there was no threat to religious liberty and same-sex “marriage” won’t happen, but now calls to say, “I see this is real and have to do something.” A third group is Catholic, knows what’s right, is worried about standing up on this issue, but has reached a tipping point. They’re willing to say, “I don’t care what happens, I need to stand up.”

A lot has to do with the progression from this issue. When civil unions passed in 2005, they thought it’s a compromise, and it would end here. It wasn’t a compromise. It was a step to same-sex “marriage.” All the people who voted for this claiming it was a compromise were wrong.

What’s one goal in this regard?

Our goal is simple: to get a vote from the people of Connecticut on this issue so they have a chance to speak up. The wind is blowing in our direction. Every state that voted on this voted to protect marriage. States like Oregon and Michigan have voted overwhelming to protect marriage. It cuts across races, social classes; some of the biggest support comes from the African American community, the Hispanic community and the Pentecostal communities.

We’re going to sink or swim together on the nature of the family, of marriage and on human life.

Tell us about one of your solid victories.

One victory that is very pertinent to today with the Supreme Court supporting the ban on partial birth abortion is our work to support the nominations of Justice Samuel Alito and Chief Justice John Roberts to the Supreme Court. We worked hard organizing Connecticut residents to contact Sens. [Christopher] Dodd and [Joseph] Lieberman to support the nominations and not to filibuster. We knew that Lieberman especially was a key swing vote. We had thousands of e-mails and phone calls from Connecticut residents to Lieberman urging him to vote the right way. People were very worried Lieberman might filibuster on Alito and vote against Roberts. On both, we won. Dodd even voted for Roberts. That was crucial and shows what pro-family citizens can do if they organize and make their voice heard. The makeup of the Supreme Court is critical for the life and family. That’s a victory.