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The Dark Side of Milk
BY Joan Frawley Desmond
January 18-24, 2009 Issue |
Posted 1/12/09 at 8:50 AM
The explosive
political battle over the passage of Proposition 8, the 2008 California
initiative opposing same-sex “marriage,” arrives at an ideal time for Milk.
That’s the newly released biopic about Harvey Milk, the San Francisco city
supervisor and gay-rights activist who was killed in 1978 by a disgruntled
colleague. Recent news clips of protests against bans on same-sex “marriage”
supply Milk with a crucial injection of urgency
that might otherwise be lacking.
But Milk
also returns the favor. The “gay-rights” movement, facing a string of political
defeats in the last election, requires an inspirational vehicle to advance its
agenda. Milk performs this task reasonably well —
that is, when the filmmakers don’t overreach in their attempt to transform a
small-time politician into a messianic figure.
Destined to become required viewing
for every public school tolerance program, the film tells the story of an
ordinary closeted homosexual who achieves self-acceptance by openly declaring
his sexual orientation and then organizing his peers to fight for their
political rights.
Thus, Milk
provides the template for a tidy resolution to the spiritual and emotional
difficulties that often plague individuals with same-sex attraction: Join the
gay-rights movement and discover the meaning of life. Viewers who don’t accept Milk’s
“happily-ever-after” narrative, which ends before the outbreak of AIDS, will
leave the film with a very different interpretation of this surprisingly honest
depiction of the gay subculture — from the omnipresent lure of anonymous sex to
the dark undercurrent of shame.
Directed by Gus Van Sant and graced
with an exceptional performance by Sean Penn in the title role, the story
begins with a 1972 encounter in a New York City subway between buttoned-down
Harvey Milk and an aimless hippie, Scott Smith (James Franco). The two end up
in bed and then concoct a plan to move out to San Francisco, the epicenter of a
burgeoning counterculture. There they open a camera shop, sport ponytails, and
entertain their neighbors with public displays of affection.
But San Francisco doesn’t live up to
its free-spirited reputation. Milk and his friends confront routine police
harassment. He retaliates by organizing his peers into a pressure group. They
deliver votes and organizational muscle to mainstream politicians. After
several failed political campaigns, Milk is finally elected to the San
Francisco Board of Supervisors in 1977. He is the first openly homosexual man
to win public office in the nation.
By now, Milk has exchanged Scott for
his “first lady,” an immature neurotic who ultimately commits suicide. The
lover’s death, like others in the film, underscores the shadow side of this
modern cultural movement. For some mysterious reason, transgressive desire is
often matched with self-destructive habits that radiate a profound sense of
alienation.
The film suggests that the high rate
of suicide among homosexual men — four times the national average — remains the
bitter fruit of social stigma. Indeed, homosexual activists have used this
argument as a weapon against groups that oppose homosexual activity on
religious or moral grounds. Yet, Milk’s casually exploitive treatment of his
troubled lover hints at a more complex explanation for the systemic
mental-health issues that plague this community.
We follow Milk’s struggles against
the backdrop of an evolving national effort to penalize and suppress homosexual
behavior. Among the most moving images are news clips — presented as authentic
— that depict homosexuals hiding their faces as the police haul them off during
raids of gay bars.
The film ties the trajectory of
individual lives to the fortunes of the larger “gay-rights” movement. For Milk,
political change fuels personal transformation. An updated version of this
position argues that individual happiness is secured through expanded political
freedoms and legal protections that allow homosexuals to either take part in
institutions once reserved for heterosexuals, such as legal marriage, or
establish an alternative universe, such as San Francisco’s circus-like Castro
district.
This aggressively secular and
implicitly amoral argument demonizes individuals and ideas that take a
different position and downplays individual moral responsibility. Not
surprisingly, the film lingers on the Catholic beliefs of Milk’s assassin,
implying that bigoted religious values led to the killing. In fact, Sen. Dianne
Feinstein (D-Calif.), who knew both men well, has long asserted that mental
illness prompted Milk’s troubled colleague to shoot him.
Thirty years after Milk’s death,
mainstream society has largely repented of its intolerance. Anti-discrimination
laws are on the books. Brokeback Mountain, a
love story about two cowboys, won several Academy Awards. U.S. corporations
donate to homosexual political action committees. But one key hurdle remains —
legalizing same-sex “marriage.”
The film never mentions the subject,
but it cannot be far from the audience’s thoughts, and the shame-filled glances
of the men rounded up by police officers hint at the complexity of the
challenge before us.
Once the culture turned its back on
such men. Now there is an easy embrace of homosexual partnerships as one more
entrée in a smorgasbord of possibilities. Both approaches reflect the force of
social conformity, and neither affirms the fundamental truth that each person
possesses an inalienable dignity, worthy of unconditional love and respect.
Joan Frawley Desmond
lives in
Maryland.
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