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October 12-18, 2008 Issue |
Posted 10/7/08 at 12:00 PM
WASHINGTON — Torture can seem
complicated, pitting desperate scenarios where it is seen as the only solution
against heated moral debate.
For the U.S. bishops, the issue is
clear. In “Forming Consciences for Faithful Citizenship: A Call to Political
Responsibility From the Catholic Bishops of the United States,” the bishops
make five references to torture, associating it with assaults on human life
that are “intrinsically evil.”
In particular, the document notes
that “the use of torture must be rejected as fundamentally incompatible with
the dignity of the human person and ultimately counterproductive in the effort
to combat terrorism.”
The bishops see the issue as
important enough to publish “Torture Is a Moral Issue: A Catholic Study Guide,” detailing the
provisions of international treaties and Church documents.
The guide quotes Popes John Paul II
and Benedict XVI and No. 2297 from the Catechism of the Catholic Church:
“Torture, which uses physical or moral violence to extract confessions, punish
the guilty, frighten opponents, or satisfy hatred is contrary to respect for
the person and for human dignity.”
The study guide notes that the 1984
United Nations “Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or
Degrading Treatment or Punishment” “defines torture as ‘any act by which severe
pain or suffering, whether physical or mental, is intentionally inflicted on a
person’ to obtain information or a confession, and where such an act is allowed
by a public official.”
For many years the United States, a
signatory to the U.N.’s convention, upheld international standards against
torture for two reasons, said Mary Ellen O’Connell, professor at the University
of Notre Dame Law School and author of The Power and Purpose of
International Law.
“First, it is the right thing to
do,” she said. Secondly, refusing to engage in inhumane treatment of prisoners
places pressure on any foreign government against engaging in inhumane
practices against U.S. prisoners.
Since the Sept. 11, 2001 terrorist
attacks, certain practices and policies of the Bush administration have
reflected an attitude that harsher measures, including torture, are necessary
in dealing with enemies who reject conventional war tactics and traditional
ethical restrictions on the use of force.
If the Church’s position is clear,
distinguishing the positions of the presidential candidates is much murkier.
Opponents of torture, such as Presbyterian Rev. Richard Killmer, director of
the National Religious Campaign Against Torture, notes that both candidates
have spoken out at different times against the practice.
“Senator Barack Obama has been
unequivocal” in opposing torture, Killmer said, but Sen. John McCain’s record
has been more mixed. “Senator McCain’s life experience does provide a powerful
witness against torture, and he played a major role in getting the McCain
Amendment passed.”
Also known as the Detainee Treatment
Act, the McCain Amendment to the 2006 Department of Defense Appropriations Bill
requires all Defense Department employees to strictly adhere to the U.S. Army’s
“Field Manual on Intelligence Interrogation.” The manual, Killmer said,
“includes a list of interrogation methods that are now prohibited.”
On the other hand, noted Killmer,
McCain supported the 2006 Military Commission Act, which, he said, weakens
provisions of the 1996 War Crimes Act. The 2006 law, Killmer said, “narrows and
confuses definitions, removes retroactively criminal sanctions for war crimes,
denies safeguards, abolishes habeas corpus for non-citizen detainees, and
removes the federal courts from oversight and protection.”
In addition, Killmer said, McCain
voted against the Intelligence Authorization Act of 2008, which would have
required all U.S. personnel, including the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA),
to adhere to the Army’s manual. The bill passed, but President Bush vetoed it.
In statements on the Senate floor,
McCain defended the Military Commissions Act for “criminalizing certain
interrogation techniques, like waterboarding,” clarifying what is a war crime,
and making prosecution of war crimes more practical. The law, he said, would
also strengthen the U.S. commitment to the Geneva Convention.
As for the Intelligence
Authorization Act, McCain said in a Feb. 14 statement that requiring the CIA to
conform to the Army’s manual was unnecessary and would restrict the agency to
interrogation methods “not always directly translatable to use by intelligence
officers.”
The Detainee Treatment Act already
prohibits the CIA and other agencies from “using unduly coercive techniques,”
he said, or “any cruel, inhumane, or degrading treatment.
“We expect the CIA to conduct
interrogations in a manner that is fully consistent not only with the Detainee
Treatment Act and the War Crimes Act,” McCain said, “but with all of our
obligations under Common Article 3 of the Geneva Convention.”
Beyond the question of legislation,
Professor O’Connell at Notre Dame said, “the issue should be about whether the
United States is going to comply with its international law obligations.”
Since 2006, however, McCain, who “we
once thought would be a champion,” has eased off the issue as the presidential
election draws closer, O’Connell said. “As far as I know, Barrack Obama has
been almost silent on” the question of insisting on full compliance with
international treaty obligations.
With the murkiness between the two
candidates’ positions, assessing the way this issue may play out Nov. 4 is even
more difficult.
“I don’t see it playing out at all,”
said Kate O’Beirne of the National Review Institute. “It isn’t being talked
about, in part, because no one wants to defend torture.” She added that despite
allegations, it has not been proven that such practices are permitted under the
Bush administration policies.
“With there being so little
difference between the two candidates, it is very possible that the torture
issue will not play a significant role,” commented E.J. Dionne Jr., a senior
fellow at the Washington, D.C.-based Brookings Institute, a nonprofit public
policy organization, and a columnist for The
Washington Post.
“Neither candidate seems to see the
issue as central because it doesn’t appeal to the swing vote,” he said. “The
constituency who strongly oppose torture are probably already for Obama,”
except perhaps “certain Catholics who are very anti-torture and very pro-life.
Said Dionne: “We haven’t heard much
about the issue in the campaign, and it’s not at the top of the list of most
journalists’ questions.”
Pete Sheehan is based in
Rockville Centre, New York.
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